The Republican Party was founded in 1854 by anti-slavery activists who opposed the Kansas–Nebraska Act, which allowed for the potential extension of slavery to the western territories. The party supported classical liberalism and economic reform geared to industry, supporting investments in manufacturing, railroads, and banking. The party was successful in the North, and by 1858, it had enlisted most former Whigs and former Free Soilers to form majorities in almost every northern state. White Southerners of the planter class became alarmed at the threat to the future of slavery in the United States. With the 1860 election of Abraham Lincoln, the first Republican president, the Southern states seceded from the United States. Under the leadership of Lincoln and a Republican Congress, the Republican Party led the fight to defeat the Confederate States in the American Civil War, thereby preserving the Union and abolishing slavery.
After the war, the party largely dominated national politics until the Great Depression in the 1930s, when it lost its congressional majorities and the Democrats' New Deal programs proved popular. Dwight D. Eisenhower's election in 1952 was a rare break between Democratic presidents and he presided over a period of increased economic prosperity after World War II. Following the 1960s era of civil rights legislation, enacted by Democrats, the South became more reliably Republican, and Richard Nixon carried 49 states in the 1972 election, with what he touted as his "silent majority". The 1980 election of Ronald Reagan realigned national politics, bringing together advocates of free-market economics, social conservatives, and Cold War foreign policy hawks under the Republican banner. Since 2009, the party has faced significant factionalism within its own ranks and shifted towards right-wing populism, ultimately becoming its dominant faction. Following the 2016 presidential election of Donald Trump, the party has pivoted towards Trumpism.
In 1854, the Republican Party was founded in the Northern United States by forces opposed to the expansion of slavery, ex-Whigs, and ex-Free Soilers. The Republican Party quickly became the principal opposition to the dominant Democratic Party and the briefly popular Know Nothing Party. The party grew out of opposition to the Kansas–Nebraska Act, which repealed the Missouri Compromise and opened the Kansas and Nebraska Territories to slavery and future admission as slave states. They denounced the expansion of slavery as a great evil, but did not call for complete abolition, including in the Southern states. While opposition to the expansion of slavery was the most consequential founding principle of the party, like the Whig Party it replaced, Republicans also called for economic and social modernization.
The party emerged from the great political realignment of the mid-1850s, united in pro-capitalist stances with members often valuing Radicalism. The realignment was powerful because it forced voters to switch parties, as typified by the rise and fall of the Know Nothing Party, the rise of the Republican Party and the splits in the Democratic Party.
The 1876 presidential election saw a contentious conclusion as both parties claimed victory despite three southern states not officially declaring a winner at the end of election day. Voter suppression in the South gave Republican-controlled returning officers enough of a reason to declare that fraud, intimidation and violence had soiled the states' results. They proceeded to throw out enough Democratic votes for Republican Rutherford B. Hayes to be declared the winner. Democrats refused to accept the results and the Electoral Commission made up of members of Congress was established to decide who would be awarded the states' electors. After the Commission voted along party lines in Hayes' favor, Democrats threatened to delay the counting of electoral votes indefinitely so no president would be inaugurated on March 4. This resulted in the Compromise of 1877 and Hayes finally became president.
In 1884, Blaine won the Republican presidential nomination, but lost the general election to Democrat Grover Cleveland. Cleveland was the first Democrat to be elected president since James Buchanan. Dissident Republicans, known as Mugwumps, had defected from Blaine due to the corruption which had plagued his political career.
Republican Benjamin Harrison defeated Cleveland in the 1888 election. During his presidency, Harrison signed the Dependent and Disability Pension Act, which established pensions for all veterans of the Union who had served for more than 90 days and were unable to perform manual labor. Following his loss to Cleveland in the 1892 presidential election, Harrison unsuccessfully attempted to pass a treaty annexing Hawaii before Cleveland could be inaugurated. Most Republicans supported the proposed annexation, but Cleveland opposed it.
In the 1896 presidential election, Republican William McKinley's platform supported the gold standard and high tariffs, having been the creator and namesake for the McKinley Tariff of 1890. Though having been divided on the issue prior to that year's National Convention, McKinley decided to heavily favor the gold standard over free silver in his campaign messaging, but promised to continue bimetallism to ward off continued skepticism over the gold standard, which had lingered since the Panic of 1893. Democrat William Jennings Bryan proved to be a devoted adherent to the free silver movement, which cost Bryan the support of Democratic institutions such as Tammany Hall, the New York World and a large majority of the Democratic Party's upper and middle-class support. McKinley defeated Bryan and returned the presidency to Republican control until the 1912 presidential election.
The Republicans returned to the presidency in the 1920s, winning on platforms of normalcy, business-oriented efficiency, and high tariffs. The national party platform avoided mention of prohibition, instead issuing a vague commitment to law and order. Warren G. Harding died in 1923 and Calvin Coolidge easily defeated the splintered opposition in 1924. The pro-business policies of the decade produced an unprecedented prosperity until the Wall Street Crash of 1929 heralded the Great Depression.
The New Deal coalition forged by Democratic president Franklin D. Roosevelt controlled American politics for most of the next three decades, excluding the presidency of Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower in the 1950s. After Roosevelt took office in 1933, New Deal legislation sailed through Congress and the economy moved sharply upward from its nadir in early 1933. The 1934 elections left the GOP with only 25 senators against 71 Democrats. The House likewise had overwhelming Democratic majorities.
Unlike the "moderate", internationalist, largely eastern bloc of Republicans who accepted (or at least acquiesced in) some of the "Roosevelt Revolution" and the essential premises of President Harry S. Truman's foreign policy, the Republican Right at heart was counterrevolutionary. Anti-collectivist, anti-Communist, anti-New Deal, passionately committed to limited government, free market economics, and congressional (as opposed to executive) prerogatives, the G.O.P. conservatives were obliged from the start to wage a constant two-front war: against liberal Democrats from without and "me-too" Republicans from within.
After 1945, the internationalist wing of the GOP cooperated with Truman's Cold War foreign policy, funded the Marshall Plan and supported NATO, despite the continued isolationism of the Old Right.
Following the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965, the southern states became more reliably Republican in presidential politics, while northeastern states became more reliably Democratic.
The Reagan presidency, lasting from 1981 to 1989, constituted what is known as "the Reagan Revolution". It was seen as a fundamental shift from the stagflation of the 1970s, with the introduction of Reagan's economic policies intended to cut taxes, prioritize government deregulation and shift funding from the domestic sphere into the military to check the Soviet Union by utilizing deterrence theory. During a visit to then-West Berlin in June 1987, he addressed Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev during a speech at the Berlin Wall, demanding that he "Tear down this wall!". The remark was later seen as influential in the fall of the wall in 1989, and was retroactively seen as a defining achievement. The Soviet Union was dissolved in 1991. Following Reagan's presidency, Republican presidential candidates frequently claimed to share Reagan's views and aimed to portray themselves and their policies as heirs to his legacy.
Bush lost his re-election bid in 1992. While there is debate about whether Perot's candidacy cost Bush re-election, Charlie Cook asserted that Perot's messaging carried weight with Republican and conservative voters.
However, most voters had not heard of the Contract and the Republican victory was attributed to traditional mid-term anti-incumbent voting and Republicans becoming the majority party in the South for the first time since Reconstruction, winning many former Southern Democrats. Gingrich was made speaker, and within the first 100 days of the Republican majority, every proposition featured in the Contract was passed, with the exception of term limits for members of Congress. One key to Gingrich's success in 1994 was nationalizing the election, which in turn led to his becoming a national figure during the 1996 House elections, with many Democratic leaders proclaiming Gingrich was a zealous radical. Gingrich's strategy of "constitutional hardball" resulted in increasing political polarization driven primarily by Republicans. The Republicans maintained their majority for the first time since 1928 despite Bob Dole losing handily to Clinton in the presidential election. However, Gingrich's national profile proved a detriment to the Republican Congress, which enjoyed majority approval among voters in spite of Gingrich's relative unpopularity.
After Gingrich and the Republicans struck a deal with Clinton on the Balanced Budget Act of 1997, which included tax cuts, the Republican House majority had difficulty convening on a new agenda ahead of the 1998 elections. During the ongoing impeachment of Bill Clinton in 1998, Gingrich decided to make Clinton's misconduct the party message heading into the elections, believing it would add to their majority. The strategy proved mistaken and the Republicans lost five seats, though whether it was due to poor messaging or Clinton's popularity providing a coattail effect is debated. Gingrich was ousted from party power due to the performance, ultimately deciding to resign from Congress altogether. For a short time afterward, it appeared Louisiana representative Bob Livingston would become his successor; Livingston, however, stepped down from consideration and resigned from Congress after damaging reports of affairs threatened the Republican House's legislative agenda if he were to serve as speaker. Illinois representative Dennis Hastert was promoted to speaker in Livingston's place, serving in that position until 2007.
Republican George W. Bush won the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. He campaigned as a "compassionate conservative" in 2000, wanting to better appeal to immigrants and minority voters. The goal was to prioritize drug rehabilitation programs and aid for prisoner reentry into society, a move intended to capitalize on President Clinton's tougher crime initiatives such as his administration's 1994 crime bill. The platform failed to gain much traction among members of the party during his presidency.
The Republican Party remained fairly cohesive for much of the 2000s, as both strong economic libertarians and social conservatives opposed the Democrats, whom they saw as the party of bloated, secular, and liberal government. This period saw the rise of "pro-government conservatives"—a core part of the Bush's base—a considerable group of the Republicans who advocated for increased government spending and greater regulations covering both the economy and people's personal lives, as well as for an activist and interventionist foreign policy. Survey groups such as the Pew Research Center found that social conservatives and free market advocates remained the other two main groups within the party's coalition of support, with all three being roughly equal in number. However, libertarians and libertarian-leaning conservatives increasingly found fault with what they saw as Republicans' restricting of vital civil liberties while corporate welfare and the national debt hiked considerably under Bush's tenure. In contrast, some social conservatives expressed dissatisfaction with the party's support for economic policies that conflicted with their moral values.
The Republican Party lost its Senate majority in 2001 when the Senate became split evenly; nevertheless, the Republicans maintained control of the Senate due to the tie-breaking vote of Bush's vice president, Dick Cheney. Democrats gained control of the Senate on June 6, 2001, when Vermont Republican senator Jim Jeffords switched his party affiliation to Democrat. The Republicans regained the Senate majority in the 2002 elections, helped by Bush's surge in popularity following the September 11 attacks, and Republican majorities in the House and Senate were held until the Democrats regained control of both chambers in the 2006 elections, largely due to increasing opposition to the Iraq War.
When Obama was re-elected president in 2012, defeating Republican Mitt Romney, the Republican Party lost seven seats in the House, but still retained control of that chamber. However, Republicans were unable to gain control of the Senate, continuing their minority status with a net loss of two seats. In the aftermath of the loss, some prominent Republicans spoke out against their own party. A 2012 election post-mortem by the Republican Party concluded that the party needed to do more on the national level to attract votes from minorities and young voters. In March 2013, Republican National Committee chairman Reince Priebus issued a report on the party's electoral failures in 2012, calling on Republicans to reinvent themselves and officially endorse immigration reform. He proposed 219 reforms, including a $10 million marketing campaign to reach women, minorities, and gay people; the setting of a shorter, more controlled primary season; and the creation of better data collection facilities.
Following the 2014 elections, the Republican Party took control of the Senate by gaining nine seats. With 247 seats in the House and 54 seats in the Senate, the Republicans ultimately achieved their largest majority in the Congress since the 71st Congress in 1929.
Donald Trump, the 45th president (2017–2021) and elected 47th president
In the 2016 presidential election, Republican nominee Donald Trump defeated Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton. The result was unexpected; polls leading up to the election showed Clinton leading the race. Trump's victory was fueled by narrow victories in three states—Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin—that had been part of the Democratic blue wall for decades. It was attributed to strong support amongst working-class white voters, who felt dismissed and disrespected by the political establishment. Trump became popular with them by abandoning Republican establishment orthodoxy in favor of a broader nationalist message. His election accelerated the Republican Party's shift towards right-wing populism and resulted in decreasing influence among its conservative factions.
After the 2016 elections, Republicans maintained their majority in the Senate, the House, and governorships, and wielded newly acquired executive power with Trump's election. The Republican Party controlled 69 of 99 state legislative chambers in 2017, the most it had held in history. The Party also held 33 governorships, the most it had held since 1922. The party had total control of government in 25 states; it had not held total control of this many states since 1952. The opposing Democratic Party held full control of only five states in 2017. In the 2018 elections, Republicans lost control of the House of Representatives, but strengthened their hold on the Senate.
In 2022 and 2023, Supreme Court justices appointed by Trump proved decisive in landmark decisions on gun rights, abortion, and affirmative action. The party went into the 2022 elections confident and with analysts predicting a red wave, but it ultimately underperformed expectations, with voters in swing states and competitive districts joining Democrats in rejecting candidates who had been endorsed by Trump or who had denied the results of the 2020 election. The party won control of the House with a narrow majority, but lost the Senate and several state legislative majorities and governorships. The results led to a number of Republicans and conservative thought leaders questioning whether Trump should continue as the party's main figurehead and leader. Despite this, Trump easily won the nomination to be the party's candidate again in the 2024 presidential election. Trump achieved victory against Democratic nominee Kamala Harris, while the Republicans held the House and retook control of the Senate, thus delivering a Republican trifecta. Relative to the 2020 election, Trump improved his vote share among working class voters, particularly among young men, those without college degrees, and Hispanic voters.
It has been suggested that mascots be split out into another article. (Discuss) (August 2024)
The Republican Party's founding members chose its name as homage to the values of republicanism promoted by Democratic-Republican Party, which its founder, Thomas Jefferson, called the "Republican Party". The idea for the name came from an editorial by the party's leading publicist, Horace Greeley, who called for "some simple name like 'Republican' [that] would more fitly designate those who had united to restore the Union to its true mission of champion and promulgator of Liberty rather than propagandist of slavery". The name reflects the 1776 republican values of civic virtue and opposition to aristocracy and corruption. "Republican" has a variety of meanings around the world, and the Republican Party has evolved such that the meanings no longer always align.
The term "Grand Old Party" is a traditional nickname for the Republican Party, and the abbreviation "GOP" is a commonly used designation. The term originated in 1875 in the Congressional Record, referring to the party associated with the successful military defense of the Union as "this gallant old party". The following year in an article in the Cincinnati Commercial, the term was modified to "grand old party". The first use of the abbreviation is dated 1884.
The traditional mascot of the party is the elephant. A political cartoon by Thomas Nast, published in Harper's Weekly on November 7, 1874, is considered the first important use of the symbol. An alternate symbol of the Republican Party in states such as Indiana, New York and Ohio is the bald eagle as opposed to the Democratic rooster or the Democratic five-pointed star. In Kentucky, the log cabin is a symbol of the Republican Party.
Traditionally the party had no consistent color identity. After the 2000 presidential election, the color red became associated with Republicans. During and after the election, the major broadcast networks used the same color scheme for the electoral map: states won by Republican nominee George W. Bush were colored red and states won by Democratic nominee Al Gore were colored blue. Due to the weeks-long dispute over the election results, these color associations became firmly ingrained, persisting in subsequent years. Although the assignment of colors to political parties is unofficial and informal, the media has come to represent the respective political parties using these colors. The party and its candidates have also come to embrace the color red.
An 1874 cartoon by Thomas Nast, featuring the first notable appearance of the Republican elephant
U.S. representative Thaddeus Stevens, considered a leader of the Radical Republicans, was a fierce opponent of slavery and discrimination against African Americans.
During the 19th century, Republican factions included the Radical Republicans. They were a major factor of the party from its inception in 1854 until the end of the Reconstruction Era in 1877. They strongly opposed slavery, were hard-line abolitionists, and later advocated equal rights for the freedmen and women. They were heavily influenced by religious ideals and evangelical Christianity; many were Christian reformers who saw slavery as evil and the Civil War as God's punishment for it. Radical Republicans pressed for abolition as a major war aim and they opposed the moderate Reconstruction plans of Abraham Lincoln as both too lenient on the Confederates and not going far enough to help former slaves who had been freed during or after the Civil War by the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth Amendment. After the war's end and Lincoln's assassination, the Radicals clashed with Andrew Johnson over Reconstruction policy. Radicals led efforts after the war to establish civil rights for former slaves and fully implement emancipation. After unsuccessful measures in 1866 resulted in violence against former slaves in the rebel states, Radicals pushed the Fourteenth Amendment for statutory protections through Congress. They opposed allowing ex-Confederate officers to retake political power in the Southern U.S., and emphasized liberty, equality, and the Fifteenth Amendment which provided voting rights for the freedmen. Many later became Stalwarts, who supported machine politics.
Moderate Republicans were known for their loyal support of President Abraham Lincoln's war policies and expressed antipathy towards the more militant stances advocated by the Radical Republicans. According to historian Eric Foner, congressional leaders of the faction were James G. Blaine, John A. Bingham, William P. Fessenden, Lyman Trumbull, and John Sherman. In contrast to Radicals, Moderate Republicans were less enthusiastic on the issue of Black suffrage even while embracing civil equality and the expansive federal authority observed throughout the American Civil War. They were also skeptical of the lenient, conciliatory Reconstruction policies of President Andrew Johnson. Members of the Moderate Republicans comprised in part of previous Radical Republicans who became disenchanted with the alleged corruption of the latter faction. Charles Sumner, a Massachusetts senator who led Radical Republicans in the 1860s, later joined reform-minded moderates as he later opposed the corruption associated with the Grant administration. They generally opposed efforts by Radical Republicans to rebuild the Southern U.S. under an economically mobile, free-market system.
The dawn on the 20th century saw the Republican party split into an Old Right and a moderate-liberal faction in the Northeast that eventually became known as Rockefeller Republicans. Opposition to Roosevelt's New Deal saw the formation of the conservative coalition. The 1950s saw fusionism of traditionalist and social conservatism and right-libertarianism, along with the rise of the First New Right to be followed in 1964 with a more populist Second New Right.
Right-wing populism became an increasingly dominant ideological faction within the GOP throughout the 2010s and helped lead to the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Starting in the 1970s and accelerating in the 2000s, American right-wing interest groups invested heavily in external mobilization vehicles that led to the organizational weakening of the GOP establishment. The outsize role of conservative media, in particular Fox News, led to it being followed and trusted more by the Republican base over traditional party elites. The depletion of organizational capacity partly led to Trump's victory in the Republican primaries against the wishes of a very weak party establishment and traditional power brokers. Trump's election exacerbated internal schisms within the GOP, and saw the GOP move from a center coalition of moderates and conservatives to a solidly right-wing party hostile to liberal views and any deviations from the party line.
The Party has since faced intense factionalism. These factions are particularly apparent in the U.S. House of Representatives, where three Republican House leaders have been ousted since 2009. House Majority Leader Eric Cantor was defeated in a primary election in 2014 by Tea Party supporter Dave Brat for supporting immigration reform. John Boehner, Speaker of the House from 2011 to 2015, resigned in 2015 after facing a motion to vacate. On January 7, 2023, after 15 rounds of voting, Kevin McCarthy was elected to the speakership. It was the first multiple ballot speaker election since 1923. Subsequently, he was ousted from his position on October 3, 2023, by a vote led by 8 members of the Trumpist faction along with 208 House Democrats.
Percent of self-identified conservatives by state as of 2018, according to a Gallup poll:
45% and above
40–44%
35–39%
30–34%
25–29%
24% and under
Ronald Reagan's presidential election in 1980 established Reagan-style American conservatism as the dominant ideological faction of the Republican Party until the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Trump's 2016 election split both the GOP and larger conservative movement into Trumpist and anti-Trump factions. Demographically, the party has lost majority support from white voters with college degrees, while continuing to gain among voters without college degrees.
The party's establishment conservative faction has since lost its influence. Many conservatives critical of the Trumpist faction have also lost influence within the party. Former Representative Liz Cheney was removed from her position as Republican conference chair in the House of Representatives as retaliation for her criticism of Trump in 2021, and was defeated by a pro-Trump primary challenger in 2022. Mitt Romney, the Republican presidential nominee in 2012, chose not to run for re-election in the 2024 U.S. Senate election in Utah. Trump's first vice president Mike Pence has since distanced himself from Trump, and chose not to endorse Trump in the 2024 presidential election. Likewise, Trump decided not to have Pence as his vice-presidential candidate again, instead choosing JD Vance.
The party still maintains long-time ideologically conservative positions on many issues. Traditional modern conservatives combine support for free-market economic policies with social conservatism and a hawkish approach to foreign policy. Other parts of the conservative movement are composed of fiscal conservatives and deficit hawks.
In foreign policy, neoconservatives are a small faction of the GOP that support an interventionist foreign policy and increased military spending. They previously held significant influence in the early 2000s in planning the initial response to the 9/11 attacks through the War on Terror. Since the election of Trump in 2016, neoconservatism has declined and non-interventionism and isolationism has grown among elected federal Republican officeholders.
Long-term shifts in conservative thinking following the elections of Trump have been described as a "new fusionism" of traditional conservative ideology and right-wing populist themes. These have resulted in shifts towards greater support for national conservatism, protectionism, cultural conservatism, a more realist foreign policy, a repudiation of neoconservatism, reduced efforts to roll back entitlement programs, and a disdain for traditional checks and balances. There are significant divisions within the party on the issues of abortion and same-sex marriage.
Right-wing populism is the dominant political faction of the GOP. Sometimes referred to as the MAGA or "America First" movement, Republican populists have been described as consisting of a range of right-wing ideologies including but not limited to right-wing populism, national conservatism, neo-nationalism, and Trumpism. They have been described as the American political variant of the far-right. The election of Trump in 2016 split the party into pro-Trump and anti-Trump factions.
The Republican Party's populist and far-right movements emerged in concurrence with a global increase in populist movements in the 2010s and 2020s, coupled with entrenchment and increased partisanship within the party since 2010. This included the rise of the Tea Party movement, which has also been described as far-right.
According to political scientists Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins, the Republican Party's gains among white voters without college degrees and corresponding losses among white voters with college degrees contributed to the rise of right-wing populism. Until 2016, white voters with college degrees were a Republican-leaning group, but have since become a Democratic-leaning group. In the 2020 presidential election, Joe Biden became the first Democratic president to win a majority of white voters with college degrees (51–48%) since 1964, while Trump won white voters without college degrees 67–32%.
In the 2024 presidential election, Trump again won white voters without college degrees 66-32%, while losing white voters with college degrees 45-52%. Trump nearly won Hispanic voters 46-52%, while losing Asian voters 39-54%. Trump increased his support from Hispanics, especially near the Mexican–American border and in areas impacted by recent immigration.
According to sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild, Trump successfully appealed to “the elite of the left-behind,” meaning people “who were doing well within a region that was not.” Although many of Trump's voters did not live in affluent areas, they were still richer than their neighbors in areas with a lower cost of living. Trump won the 2024 presidential election by successfully convincing voters through his promises of fixing the economy and blocking the flow of immigrants at the border.
The far-right faction supports cuts to spending. In international relations, populists support U.S. aid to Israel but not to Ukraine, are generally supportive of improving relations with Russia, and favor an isolationist "America First" foreign policy agenda.
The party's far-right faction includes members of the Freedom Caucus. Former representative Matt Gaetz led the 2023 rebellion against then-Speaker of the HouseKevin McCarthy. Former Democratic Representative Tulsi Gabbard, who joined the Republican Party in 2024, has also been described as embracing populist policies. They generally reject compromise within the party and with the Democrats, and are willing to oust fellow Republican office holders they deem to be too moderate. According to sociologist Joe Feagin, political polarization by racially extremist Republicans as well as their increased attention from conservative media has perpetuated the near extinction of moderate Republicans and created legislative paralysis at numerous government levels in the last few decades.
Julia Azari, an associate professor of political science at Marquette University, noted that not all populist Republicans are public supporters of Donald Trump, and that some Republicans such as Virginia GovernorGlenn Youngkin endorse Trump policies while distancing themselves from Trump as a person. The continued dominance of Trump within the GOP has limited the success of this strategy. In 2024, Trump led a takeover of the Republican National Committee, installing Lara Trump as its new co-chair.
The Christian right is strongest in the Bible Belt, which covers most of the Southern United States. Mike Pence, Donald Trump's vice president from 2017 to 2021, was a member of the Christian right. In October 2023, a member of the Christian right faction, Louisiana representative Mike Johnson, was elected the 56th Speaker of the United States House of Representatives.
Republicans believe that free markets and individual achievement are the primary factors behind economic prosperity. Reduction in income taxes is a core component of Republicans' fiscal agenda.
Taxes
Tax cuts have been at the core of Republican economic policy since 1980. At the national level and state level, Republicans tend to pursue policies of tax cuts and deregulation. Modern Republicans advocate the theory of supply-side economics, which holds that lower tax rates increase economic growth. Many Republicans oppose higher tax rates for higher earners, which they believe are unfairly targeted at those who create jobs and wealth. They believe private spending is more efficient than government spending. Republican lawmakers have also sought to limit funding for tax enforcement and tax collection.
As per a 2021 study that measured Republicans' congressional votes, the modern Republican Party's economic policy positions tend to align with business interests and the affluent.
Spending
Republicans advocate in favor of fiscal conservatism. Republican administrations have, since the late 1960s, sustained or increased previous levels of government spending by supporting underfunded sectors like national defense, veterans affairs, and infrastructure.
Entitlements
Republicans believe individuals should take responsibility for their own circumstances. They also believe the private sector is more effective in helping the poor through charity than the government is through welfare programs and that social assistance programs often cause government dependency. As of November 2022, all 11 states that had not expanded Medicaid had Republican-controlled state legislatures.
Labor unions and the minimum wage
The Republican Party is generally opposed to labor unions. Republicans believe corporations should be able to establish their own employment practices, including benefits and wages, with the free market deciding the price of work. Since the 1920s, Republicans have generally been opposed by labor union organizations and members. At the national level, Republicans supported the Taft–Hartley Act of 1947, which gives workers the right not to participate in unions. Modern Republicans at the state level generally support various right-to-work laws.
Most Republicans also oppose increases in the minimum wage.
Trade
Representative Justin S. Morrill (R-VT) drafted the Morrill Tariff, inaugurating a period of protectionism in the United States until 1913.
The Reciprocal Tariff Act of 1934 marked a sharp departure from the era of protectionism in the United States. American duties on foreign products declined from an average of 46% in 1934 to 12% by 1962, which included the presidency of Republican president Dwight D. Eisenhower. After World War II, the U.S. promoted the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) established in 1947, to minimize tariffs and other restrictions, and to liberalize trade among all capitalist countries.
During the Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations, Republicans abandoned protectionist policies and came out against quotas and in favor of the GATT and the World Trade Organization policy of minimal economic barriers to global trade. Free trade with Canada came about as a result of the Canada–U.S. Free Trade Agreement of 1987, which led in 1994 to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) based on Reagan's plan to enlarge the scope of the market for American firms to include Canada and Mexico. President Bill Clinton, with strong Republican support in 1993, pushed NAFTA through Congress over the vehement objection of labor unions.
The 2016 election marked a return to supporting protectionism, beginning with Donald Trump's presidency. In 2017, only 36% of Republicans agreed that free trade agreements are good for the United States, compared to 67% of Democrats. When asked if free trade has helped respondents specifically, the approval numbers for Democrats drop to 54%, however approval ratings among Republicans remain relatively unchanged at 34%. During his presidency, Trump withdrew the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, initiated a trade war with China, and negotiated the USMCA as a successor to NAFTA.
Trump also blocked appointments to the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization, rendering it unable to enforce and punish violators of WTO rules. Subsequently, disregard for trade rules has increased, leading to more trade protectionist measures. The Biden administration has maintained Trump's freeze on new appointments. The proposed 2024 Republican Party platform was even more protectionist, calling for enacting tariffs on most imports.
Historically, progressive leaders in the Republican Party supported environmental protection. Republican President Theodore Roosevelt was a prominent conservationist whose policies eventually led to the creation of the National Park Service. While Republican President Richard Nixon was not an environmentalist, he signed legislation to create the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970 and had a comprehensive environmental program. However, this position has changed since the 1980s and the administration of President Ronald Reagan, who labeled environmental regulations a burden on the economy. Since then, Republicans have increasingly taken positions against environmental regulation, with many Republicans rejecting the scientific consensus on climate change. Republican voters are divided over the human causes of climate change and global warming. Since 2008, many members of the Republican Party have been criticized for being anti-environmentalist and promoting climate change denial in opposition to the general scientific consensus, making them unique even among other worldwide conservative parties.
In 2006, then-California GovernorArnold Schwarzenegger broke from Republican orthodoxy to sign several bills imposing caps on carbon emissions in California. Then-President George W. Bush opposed mandatory caps at a national level. Bush's decision not to regulate carbon dioxide as a pollutant was challenged in the Supreme Court by 12 states, with the court ruling against the Bush administration in 2007. Bush also publicly opposed ratification of the Kyoto Protocols which sought to limit greenhouse gas emissions and thereby combat climate change; his position was heavily criticized by climate scientists.
Many Republicans during the presidency of Barack Obama opposed his administration's new environmental regulations, such as those on carbon emissions from coal. In particular, many Republicans supported building the Keystone Pipeline; this position was supported by businesses, but opposed by indigenous peoples' groups and environmental activists.
According to the Center for American Progress, a non-profit liberal advocacy group, more than 55% of congressional Republicans were climate change deniers in 2014. PolitiFact in May 2014 found "relatively few Republican members of Congress ... accept the prevailing scientific conclusion that global warming is both real and man-made." The group found eight members who acknowledged it, although the group acknowledged there could be more and that not all members of Congress have taken a stance on the issue.
From 2008 to 2017, the Republican Party went from "debating how to combat human-caused climate change to arguing that it does not exist", according to The New York Times. In January 2015, the Republican-led U.S. Senate voted 98–1 to pass a resolution acknowledging that "climate change is real and is not a hoax"; however, an amendment stating that "human activity significantly contributes to climate change" was supported by only five Republican senators.
Health care
The party opposes a single-payer health care system, describing it as socialized medicine. It also opposes the Affordable Care Act and expansions of Medicaid. Historically, there have been diverse and overlapping views within both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party on the role of government in health care, but the two parties became highly polarized on the topic during 2008–2009 and onwards.
Both Republicans and Democrats made various proposals to establish federally funded aged health insurance prior to the bipartisan effort to establish Medicare and Medicaid in 1965. No Republican member of Congress voted for the Affordable Care Act in 2009, and after it passed, the party made frequent attempts to repeal it. At the state level, the party has tended to adopt a position against Medicaid expansion.
The Republican Party has a persistent history of skepticism and opposition to multilateralism in American foreign policy. Neoconservatism, which supports unilateralism and emphasizes the use of force and hawkishness in American foreign policy, has had some influence in all Republican presidential administration since Ronald Reagan's presidency. Some, including paleoconservatives, call for non-interventionism and an isolationist "America First" foreign policy agenda. This faction gained strength starting in 2016 with the rise of Donald Trump, demanding that the United States reset its previous interventionist foreign policy and encourage allies and partners to take greater responsibility for their own defense.
Israel
During the 1940s, Republicans predominantly opposed the cause of an independent Jewish state due to the influence of conservatives of the Old Right. In 1948, Democratic President Harry Truman became the first world leader to recognize an independent state of Israel, though Truman's pro-Israel stance had the notable support of Robert A. Taft, a leading Senate Republican and an early advocate for military support to Israel.
The rise of neoconservatism saw the Republican Party become predominantly pro-Israel by the 1990s and 2000s, although notable anti-Israel sentiment persisted through paleoconservative figures such as Pat Buchanan. As president, Donald Trump generally supported Israel during most of his term, but became increasingly critical of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu towards the end of it. After the 7 October Hamas-led attack on Israel, Trump blamed Netanyahu for having failed to prevent the attack. Trump previously criticized the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and expressed doubt about whether Netanyahu truly desired peace with the Palestinians. According to i24NEWS, the 2020s have seen declining support for Israel among nationalist Republicans, led by individuals such as Tucker Carlson. Nevertheless, the 2024 Republican Party platform reaffirmed the party would "stand with Israel" and called for the deportation of "pro-Hamas radicals", while expressing a desire for peace in the Middle East.
Taiwan
In the party's 2016 platform, its stance on Taiwan is: "We oppose any unilateral steps by either side to alter the status quo in the Taiwan Straits on the principle that all issues regarding the island's future must be resolved peacefully, through dialogue, and be agreeable to the people of Taiwan." In addition, if "China were to violate those principles, the United States, in accord with the Taiwan Relations Act, will help Taiwan defend itself".
The 2016 Republican platform eliminated references to giving weapons to Ukraine in its fight with Russia and rebel forces; the removal of this language reportedly resulted from intervention from staffers to presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump. However, the Trump administration approved a new sale of anti-tank weapons to Ukraine in 2017. Republicans generally question European NATO members' insufficient investment in defense funding, and some are dissatisfied with U.S. aid to Ukraine. Some Republican members of the U.S. Congress support foreign aid to Israel but not to Ukraine, and are accused by U.S. media of being pro-Russian.
Amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine, several prominent Republicans criticized some colleagues and conservative media outlets for echoing Russian propaganda. Liz Cheney, formerly the third-ranking House Republican, said "a Putin wing of the Republican Party" had emerged. Republican Senator Mitt Romney characterized pro-Putin sentiments expressed by some Republicans as "almost treasonous." Former vice president Mike Pence said, "There is no room in the Republican Party for apologists for Putin." House Foreign Affairs Committee chairman Michael McCaul asserted that Russian propaganda had "infected a good chunk of my party's base", attributing the cause to "nighttime entertainment shows" and "conspiracy-theory outlets that are just not accurate, and they actually model Russian propaganda." House Intelligence Committee chairman Mike Turner confirmed McCaul's assessment, asserting that some propaganda coming directly from Russia could be heard on the House floor. Republican senator Thom Tillis characterized the influential conservative commentator Tucker Carlson, who frequently expresses pro-Russia sentiments, as Russia's "useful idiot".
In April 2024, a majority of Republican members of the U.S. House of Representatives voted against a military aid package to Ukraine. Both Trump and Senator JD Vance, the 2024 Republican presidential nominee and vice presidential nominee respectively, have been vocal critics of military aid to Ukraine and advocates of a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine. The 2024 Republican Party platform did not mention Russia or Ukraine, but stated the party's objectives to "prevent World War III" and "restore peace to Europe".
Foreign relations and aid
In a 2014 poll, 59% of Republicans favored doing less abroad and focusing on the country's own problems instead.
Republicans have frequently advocated for restricting foreign aid as a means of asserting the national security and immigration interests of the United States.
A survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs shows that "Trump Republicans seem to prefer a US role that is more independent, less cooperative, and more inclined to use military force to deal with the threats they see as the most pressing".
The Republican position on abortion has changed significantly over time. During the 1960s and early 1970s, opposition to abortion was concentrated among members of the political left and the Democratic Party; most liberal Catholics — which tended to vote for the Democratic Party — opposed expanding abortion access while most conservative evangelical Protestants supported it.
During this period, Republicans generally favored legalized abortion more than Democrats, although significant heterogeneity could be found within both parties. Leading Republican political figures, including Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush, took pro-choice positions until the early 1980s. However, starting at this point, both George H.W. Bush and Ronald Reagan described themselves as pro-life during their presidencies.
In the 21st century, both George W. Bush and Donald Trump described themselves as "pro-life" during their terms. However, Trump stated that he supported the legality and ethics of abortion before his candidacy in 2015.
Summarizing the rapid shift in the Republican and Democratic positions on abortion, Sue Halpern writes:
...in the late 1960s and early 1970s, many Republicans were behind efforts to liberalize and even decriminalize abortion; theirs was the party of reproductive choice, while Democrats, with their large Catholic constituency, were the opposition. Republican governor Ronald Reagan signed the California Therapeutic Abortion Act, one of the most liberal abortion laws in the country, in 1967, legalizing abortion for women whose mental or physical health would be impaired by pregnancy, or whose pregnancies were the result of rape or incest. The same year, the Republican strongholds of North Carolina and Colorado made it easier for women to obtain abortions. New York, under Governor Nelson Rockefeller, a Republican, eliminated all restrictions on women seeking to terminate pregnancies up to twenty-four weeks gestation.... Richard Nixon, Barry Goldwater, Gerald Ford, and George H.W. Bush were all pro-choice, and they were not party outliers. In 1972, a Gallup poll found that 68 percent of Republicans believed abortion to be a private matter between a woman and her doctor. The government, they said, should not be involved...
Since the 1980s, opposition to abortion has become strongest in the party among traditionalist Catholics and conservative Protestant evangelicals. Initially, evangelicals were relatively indifferent to the cause of abortion and overwhelmingly viewed it as a concern that was sectarian and Catholic. Historian Randall Balmer notes that Billy Graham's Christianity Today published in 1968 a statement by theologian Bruce Waltke that: "God does not regard the fetus as a soul, no matter how far gestation has progressed. The Law plainly exacts: "If a man kills any human life he will be put to death" (Lev. 24:17). But according to Exodus 21:22–24, the destruction of the fetus is not a capital offense. ... Clearly, then, in contrast to the mother, the fetus is not reckoned as a soul." Typical of the time, Christianity Today "refused to characterize abortion as sinful" and cited "individual health, family welfare, and social responsibility" as "justifications for ending a pregnancy." Similar beliefs were held among conservative figures in the Southern Baptist Convention, including W. A. Criswell, who is partially credited with starting the "conservative resurgence" within the organization, who stated: "I have always felt that it was only after a child was born and had a life separate from its mother that it became an individual person and it has always, therefore, seemed to me that what is best for the mother and for the future should be allowed." Balmer argues that evangelical American Christianity being inherently tied to opposition to abortion is a relatively new occurrence. After the late 1970s, he writes, opinion against abortion among evangelicals rapidly shifted in favor of its prohibition.
Today, opinion polls show that Republican voters are heavily divided on the legality of abortion, although vast majority of the party's national and state candidates are anti-abortion and oppose elective abortion on religious or moral grounds. While many advocate exceptions in the case of incest, rape or the mother's life being at risk, in 2012 the party approved a platform advocating banning abortions without exception. There were not highly polarized differences between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party prior to the Roe v. Wade 1973 Supreme Court ruling (which made prohibitions on abortion rights unconstitutional), but after the Supreme Court ruling, opposition to abortion became an increasingly key national platform for the Republican Party. As a result, Evangelicals gravitated towards the Republican Party. Most Republicans oppose government funding for abortion providers, notably Planned Parenthood. This includes support for the Hyde Amendment.
Until its dissolution in 2018, Republican Majority for Choice, an abortion rights PAC, advocated for amending the GOP platform to include pro-abortion rights members.
The Republican Party has pursued policies at the national and state-level to restrict embryonic stem cell research beyond the original lines because it involves the destruction of human embryos.
After the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022, a majority of Republican-controlled states passed near-total bans on abortion, rendering it largely illegal throughout much of the United States.
Republicans generally oppose affirmative action, often describing it as a "quota system" and believing that it is not meritocratic and is counter-productive socially by only further promoting discrimination. According to a 2023 ABC poll, a majority of Americans (52%) and 75% of Republicans supported the Supreme Court's decision in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard prohibiting race as a factor in college admissions, compared to only 26% of Democrats.
The 2012 Republican national platform stated, "We support efforts to help low-income individuals get a fair chance based on their potential and individual merit; but we reject preferences, quotas, and set-asides, as the best or sole methods through which fairness can be achieved, whether in government, education or corporate boardrooms...Merit, ability, aptitude, and results should be the factors that determine advancement in our society."
Gun ownership
A 2021 survey of U.S. opinion on gun control issues, revealing deep divides along political lines.
Republicans generally support gun ownership rights and oppose laws regulating guns. According to a 2023 Pew Research Center poll, 45% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents personally own firearms, compared to 32% for the general public and 20% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents.
In contrast, George H. W. Bush, formerly a lifelong NRA member, was highly critical of the organization following their response to the Oklahoma City bombing authored by CEO Wayne LaPierre, and publicly resigned in protest.
Republican elected officials have historically supported the War on Drugs. They generally oppose legalization or decriminalization of drugs such as marijuana.
Opposition to the legalization of marijuana has softened significantly over time among Republican voters. A 2021 Quinnipiac poll found that 62% of Republicans supported the legalization of recreational marijuana use and that net support for the position was +30 points. Some Republican-controlled states have legalized medical and recreational marijuana in recent years.
The Republican Party has taken widely varying views on immigration throughout its history. In the period between 1850 and 1870, the Republican Party was more opposed to immigration than the Democrats. The GOP's opposition was, in part, caused by its reliance on the support of anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant parties such as the Know-Nothings. In the decades following the Civil War, the Republican Party grew more supportive of immigration, as it represented manufacturers in the northeast (who wanted additional labor); during this period, the Democratic Party came to be seen as the party of labor (which wanted fewer laborers with which to compete). Starting in the 1970s, the parties switched places again, as the Democrats grew more supportive of immigration than Republicans.
In 2006, the Republican-led Senate passed comprehensive immigration reform that would eventually have allowed millions of illegal immigrants to become citizens. Despite the support of Republican President George W. Bush, the House of Representatives (also led by Republicans) did not advance the bill. After Republican Mitt Romney was defeated in the 2012 presidential election, particularly due to a lack of support among Latinos, several Republicans advocated a friendlier approach to immigrants that would allow for more migrant workers and a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants. The Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act of 2013 passed the Senate 68–32, but was not brought to a vote in the House and died in the 113th Congress. In a 2013 poll, 60% of Republicans supported the pathway to citizenship concept.
In 2016, Donald Trump proposed to build a wall along the southern border of the United States. Trump immigration policies during his administration included a travel ban from multiple Muslim-majority countries, a Remain in Mexico policy for asylum-seekers, a controversial family separation policy, and attempting to end DACA. During the tenure of Democratic President Joe Biden, the Republican Party has continued to take a hardline stance against illegal immigration. The Party largely opposes immigration reform, although there are widely differing views on immigration within the Party. The Party's proposed 2024 platform was opposed to immigration, and called for the mass deportation of all illegal immigrants in the United States. A 2024 Pew Research Center poll found that 88% of Donald Trump's supporters favored mass deportation of all illegal immigrants, compared to 27% of Kamala Harris supporters.
LGBT issues
Similar to the Democratic Party, the Republican position on LGBT rights has changed significantly over time, with continuously increasing support among both parties on the issue. The Log Cabin Republicans is a group within the Republican Party that represents LGBT conservatives and allies and advocates for LGBT rights.
From the early-2000s to the mid-2010s, Republicans opposed same-sex marriage, while being divided on the issue of civil unions and domestic partnerships for same-sex couples. During the 2004 election, George W. Bush campaigned prominently on a constitutional amendment to prohibit same-sex marriage; many believe it helped Bush win re-election. In both 2004 and 2006, President Bush, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, and House Majority Leader John Boehner promoted the Federal Marriage Amendment, a proposed constitutional amendment which would legally restrict the definition of marriage to heterosexual couples. In both attempts, the amendment failed to secure enough votes to invoke cloture and thus ultimately was never passed. As more states legalized same-sex marriage in the 2010s, Republicans increasingly supported allowing each state to decide its own marriage policy. As of 2014, most state GOP platforms expressed opposition to same-sex marriage. The 2016 GOP Platform defined marriage as "natural marriage, the union of one man and one woman," and condemned the Supreme Court's ruling legalizing same-sex marriages. The 2020 platform, which reused the 2016 platform, retained the statements against same-sex marriage.
Following his election as president in 2016, Donald Trump stated that he had no objection to same-sex marriage or to the Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, but had previously promised to consider appointing a Supreme Court justice to roll back the constitutional right. In office, Trump was the first sitting Republican president to recognize LGBT Pride Month. Conversely, the Trump administration banned transgender individuals from service in the United States military and rolled back other protections for transgender people which had been enacted during the previous Democratic presidency. However, other Republicans such as Vivek Ramaswamy do not support such a ban, and Donald Trump has not indicated that he will seek to reimplement such a policy in his second term.
The Republican Party platform previously opposed the inclusion of gay people in the military and opposed adding sexual orientation to the list of protected classes since 1992. The Republican Party opposed the inclusion of sexual preference in anti-discrimination statutes from 1992 to 2004. The 2008 and 2012 Republican Party platform supported anti-discrimination statutes based on sex, race, age, religion, creed, disability, or national origin, but both platforms were silent on sexual orientation and gender identity. The 2016 platform was opposed to sex discrimination statutes that included the phrase "sexual orientation". The same 2016 platform rejected Obergefell v. Hodges, and was also used for the party's 2020 platform. In the early 2020s, numerous Republican-led states proposed or passed laws that have been described as anti-trans by critics, as well as laws limiting or banning public performances of drag shows, and teaching schoolchildren about LGBT topics.
On November 6, 2021, RNC Chair Ronna McDaniel announced the creation of the "RNC Pride Coalition", in partnership with the Log Cabin Republicans, to promote outreach to LGBTQ voters. However, after the announcement, McDaniel apologized for not having communicated the announcement in advance and emphasized that the new outreach program did not alter the 2016 GOP Platform.
As of 2023, a majority of Republican voters support same-sex marriage. According to FiveThirtyEight, as of 2022, Republican voters are consistently more open to same-sex marriage than their representatives. The party platform approved at the 2024 Republican National Convention no longer states that marriage should be between "one man and one woman", though it did oppose the inclusion of transgender women in women's sports and teaching about LGBT topics in schools.
Virtually all restrictions on voting have in recent years been implemented by Republicans. Republicans, mainly at the state level, argue that the restrictions (such as the purging of voter rolls, limiting voting locations, and limiting early and mail-in voting) are vital to prevent voter fraud, saying that voter fraud is an underestimated issue in elections. Polling has found majority support for early voting, automatic voter registration and voter ID laws among the general population.
In defending their restrictions to voting rights, Republicans have made false and exaggerated claims about the extent of voter fraud in the United States; all existing research indicates that it is extremely rare, and civil and voting rights organizations often accuse Republicans of enacting restrictions to influence elections in the party's favor. Many laws or regulations restricting voting enacted by Republicans have been successfully challenged in court, with court rulings striking down such regulations and accusing Republicans of establishing them with partisan purpose.
After the Supreme Court decision in Shelby County v. Holder rolled back aspects of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Republicans introduced cuts to early voting, purges of voter rolls and imposition of strict voter ID laws. The 2016 Republican platform advocated proof of citizenship as a prerequisite for registering to vote and photo ID as a prerequisite when voting.
After Donald Trump and his Republican allies made false claims of fraud during the 2020 presidential election, Republicans launched a nationwide effort to impose tighter election laws at the state level. Such bills are centered around limiting mail-in voting, strengthening voter ID laws, shortening early voting, eliminating automatic and same-day voter registration, curbing the use of ballot drop boxes, and allowing for increased purging of voter rolls. Republicans in at least eight states have also introduced bills that would give lawmakers greater power over election administration, after they were unsuccessful in their attempts to overturn election results in swing states won by Biden.
Supporters of the bills argue they would improve election security and reverse temporary changes enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic; they point to false claims of significant election fraud, as well as the substantial public distrust of the integrity of the 2020 election those claims have fostered, as justification. Political analysts say that the efforts amount to voter suppression, are intended to advantage Republicans by reducing the number of people who vote, and would disproportionately affect minority voters.
Composition
According to a 2015 Gallup poll, 25% of Americans identify as Republican and 16% identify as leaning Republican. In comparison, 30% identify as Democratic and 16% identify as leaning Democratic. The Democratic Party has typically held an overall edge in party identification since Gallup began polling on the issue in 1991. In 2016, The New York Times stated that the party was strongest in the South, most of the Midwestern and Mountain States, and Alaska.
As of 2024, the Republican Party has support from a majority of Arab, Native, and White voters, and increasingly among Hispanics and Asians.
The median wealth of married couples exceeds that of single individuals, regardless of gender and across all age categories.
Since 1980, a "gender gap" has seen stronger support for the Republican Party among men than among women. Unmarried and divorced women were far more likely to vote for Democrat John Kerry than for Republican George W. Bush in the 2004 presidential election. In 2006 House races, 43% of women voted Republican while 47% of men did so. In the 2010 midterms, the "gender gap" was reduced, with women supporting Republican and Democratic candidates equally (49%–49%). Exit polls from the 2012 elections revealed a continued weakness among unmarried women for the GOP, a large and growing portion of the electorate. Although women supported Obama over Mitt Romney by a margin of 55–44% in 2012, Romney prevailed amongst married women, 53–46%. Obama won unmarried women 67–31%.
However, according to a December 2019 study, "White women are the only group of female voters who support Republican Party candidates for president. They have done so by a majority in all but 2 of the last 18 elections".
The Republican Party has steadily increased the percentage of votes it receives from white voters without college degrees since the 1970s, while the educational attainment of the United States has steadily increased. White voters without college degrees tend to be more socially conservative and are more likely to live in rural areas. According to a 2023 Gallup poll, confidence in higher education among Republicans declined sharply from 56% in 2015 to 19% in 2023. Among Democrats, confidence in higher education decreased from 68% in 2015 to 59% in 2023.
Voters with college degrees as a whole were a Republican-voting group until the 1990s. Despite losing in a landslide, Republican nominee Barry Goldwater nearly won a majority of voters with college degrees 48–52% in 1964. Republican president Gerald Ford won voters with college degrees 55-43% in 1976, while narrowly losing to Jimmy Carter. Since the 1990s, a majority of voters with graduate degrees have consistently voted for the Democratic Party. For example, George W. Bush won voters with just a bachelor's degree 52-46% while losing voters with a graduate degree 44–55%, while winning re-election in 2004.
Until 2016, white voters with college degrees were a Republican-leaning group. Despite Obama's decisive 2008 victory, Republican nominee John McCain won a majority of white voters with college degrees 51-47% and white voters without college degrees 58-40%. In 2012, Republican nominee Mitt Romney won white voters with college degrees 56-42%, though Obama won voters with college degrees as a whole 50-48% while winning re-election. Since the 2010s, white voters with college degrees have been increasingly voting for the Democratic Party.
In the 2020 United States presidential election, Donald Trump won white voters without college degrees 67-32%, while losing white voters with a college degree 48–51%. In the 2024 United States presidential election, Trump maintained his margins among white voters without college degrees 66-32% and lost white voters with a college degree 45-52%. In 2024, Trump won 56% of voters without a college degree, compared to 42% of voters with a college degree.
In 2012, the Pew Research Center conducted a study of registered voters with a 35–28 Democrat-to-Republican gap. They found that self-described Democrats had an eight-point advantage over Republicans among college graduates and a fourteen-point advantage among all post-graduates polled. Republicans had an eleven-point advantage among White men with college degrees; Democrats had a ten-point advantage among women with degrees. Democrats accounted for 36% of all respondents with an education of high school or less; Republicans accounted for 28%. When isolating just White registered voters polled, Republicans had a six-point advantage overall and a nine-point advantage among those with a high school education or less. Following the 2016 presidential election, exit polls indicated that "Donald Trump attracted a large share of the vote from Whites without a college degree, receiving 72 percent of the White non-college male vote and 62 percent of the White non-college female vote." Overall, 52% of voters with college degrees voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016, while 52% of voters without college degrees voted for Trump.
Republicans have been winning under 15% of the African American vote in national elections since 1980. The party abolished chattel slavery under Abraham Lincoln, defeated the Slave Power, and gave Black people the legal right to vote during Reconstruction in the late 1860s. Until the New Deal of the 1930s, Black people supported the Republican Party by large margins. Black delegates were a sizable share of southern delegates to the national Republican convention from Reconstruction until the start of the 20th century when their share began to decline. Black people shifted in large margins to the Democratic Party in the 1930s, when Black politicians such as Arthur Mitchell and William Dawson supported the New Deal because it would better serve the interest of Black Americans. Black voters would become one of the core components of the New Deal coalition. In the South, after the Voting Rights Act to prohibit racial discrimination in elections was passed by a bipartisan coalition in 1965, Black people were able to vote again and ever since have formed a significant portion (20–50%) of the Democratic vote in that region.
In the 2010 elections, two African American Republicans, Tim Scott and Allen West, were elected to the House of Representatives. As of January 2023, there are four African-American Republicans in the House of Representatives and one African American Republican in the United States Senate. In recent decades, Republicans have been moderately successful in gaining support from Hispanic and Asian American voters. George W. Bush, who campaigned energetically for Hispanic votes, received 35% of their vote in 2000 and 44% in 2004. The party's strong anti-communist stance has made it popular among some minority groups from current and former Communist states, in particular Cuban Americans, Korean Americans, Chinese Americans and Vietnamese Americans. The 2007 election of Bobby Jindal as Governor of Louisiana was hailed as pathbreaking. Jindal became the first elected minority governor in Louisiana and the first state governor of Indian descent.
Republicans have gained support among racial and ethnic minorities, particularly among those who are working class, Hispanic or Latino, or Asian American since the 2010s. According to John Avlon, in 2013, the Republican party was more ethnically diverse at the statewide elected official level than the Democratic Party was; GOP statewide elected officials included Latino Nevada Governor Brian Sandoval and African-American U.S. senator Tim Scott of South Carolina.
In the 2008 presidential election, Republican presidential candidate John McCain won 55% of White votes, 35% of Asian votes, 31% of Hispanic votes and 4% of African American votes. In 2012, 88% of Romney voters were White while 56% of Obama voters were White. In the 2024 presidential election, Trump won 57% of White voters, 46% of Hispanic voters, 39% of Asian voters, and 13% of African American voters.
Religion has always played a major role for both parties, but in the course of a century, the parties' religious compositions have changed. Religion was a major dividing line between the parties before 1960, with Catholics, Jews, and southern Protestants heavily Democratic and northeastern Protestants heavily Republican. Most of the old differences faded away after the realignment of the 1970s and 1980s that undercut the New Deal coalition. Voters who attended church weekly gave 61% of their votes to Bush in 2004; those who attended occasionally gave him only 47%; and those who never attended gave him 36%. Fifty-nine percent of Protestants voted for Bush, along with 52% of Catholics (even though John Kerry was Catholic). Since 1980, a large majority of evangelicals has voted Republican; 70–80% voted for Bush in 2000 and 2004 and 70% for Republican House candidates in 2006.
Members of the Mormon faith had a mixed relationship with Donald Trump during his tenure, despite 67% of them voting for him in 2016 and 56% of them supporting his presidency in 2018, disapproving of his personal behavior such as that shown during the Access Hollywood controversy. In the 2020 United States presidential election in Utah, Trump won the state by about 21.5%, by a margin more than 20% lower compared to Mitt Romney (who is Mormon) in 2012 and George W. Bush in 2004. Their opinion on Trump had not affected their party affiliation, however, as 76% of Mormons in 2018 expressed preference for generic Republican congressional candidates. Similarly, while Trump again won majority-Mormon Utah in 2024, the state had one of the smallest swings to the right and Trump's 22% margin was well below that of prior Republican presidential nominees.
Jews continue to vote 70–80% Democratic; however, a slim majority of Orthodox Jews voted for the Republican Party in 2016, following years of growing Orthodox Jewish support for the party due to its social conservatism and increasingly pro-Israel foreign policy stance. Over 70% of Orthodox Jews identify as Republican or Republican leaning as of 2021. An exit poll conducted by the Associated Press for 2020 found 35% of Muslims voted for Donald Trump. The mainline traditional Protestants (Methodists, Lutherans, Presbyterians, Episcopalians and Disciples) have dropped to about 55% Republican (in contrast to 75% before 1968). Democrats have close links with the African American churches, especially the National Baptists, while their historic dominance among Catholic voters has eroded to 54–46 in the 2010 midterms.
Although once strongly Democratic, American Catholic voters have been politically divided in the 21st century with 52% of Catholic voters voting for Trump in 2016 and 52% voting for Biden in 2020. While Catholic Republican leaders try to stay in line with the teachings of the Catholic Church on subjects such as abortion, contraception, euthanasia, and embryonic stem cell research, they tend to differ on the death penalty and same-sex marriage. Pope Francis' 2015 encyclical Laudato si' sparked a discussion on the positions of Catholic Republicans in relation to the positions of the Church.
The Pope's encyclical on behalf of the Catholic Church officially acknowledges a man-made climate change caused by burning fossil fuels. The Pope says the warming of the planet is rooted in a throwaway culture and the developed world's indifference to the destruction of the planet in pursuit of short-term economic gains. According to The New York Times, Laudato si put pressure on the Catholic candidates in the 2016 election: Jeb Bush, Bobby Jindal, Marco Rubio and Rick Santorum.
With leading Democrats praising the encyclical, James Bretzke, a professor of moral theology at Boston College, has said that both sides were being disingenuous: "I think it shows that both the Republicans and the Democrats ... like to use religious authority and, in this case, the Pope to support positions they have arrived at independently ... There is a certain insincerity, hypocrisy I think, on both sides". While a Pew Research poll indicates Catholics are more likely to believe the Earth is warming than non-Catholics, 51% of Catholic Republicans believe in global warming (less than the general population) and only 24% of Catholic Republicans believe global warming is caused by human activity.
Members of the business community
The Republican Party has traditionally been a pro-business party. It garners major support from a wide variety of industries from the financial sector to small businesses. Republicans are 24 percent more likely to be business owners than Democrats. Prominent business lobbying groups such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and National Association of Manufacturers have traditionally supported Republican candidates and economic policies. Although both major parties support capitalism, the Republican Party is more likely to favor private property rights (including intellectual property rights) than the Democratic Party over competing interests such as protecting the environment or lowering medication costs.
^Right-to-work laws ban union security agreements, which require all workers in a unionized workplace to pay dues or a fair-share fee regardless of whether they are members of the union or not.
^According to an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, while more than 60% of Americans believe the 2020 election was secure, a large majority of Republican voters say they do not trust the results of the 2020 election. According to a poll by Quinnipiac, 77% of Republicans believe there was widespread voter fraud.
^Incumbent vice-president James S. Sherman was re-nominated as Taft's running-mate, but died six days prior to the election. Butler was chosen to receive the Republican vice-presidential votes after the election.
^Although Hayes won a majority of votes in the Electoral College, Democrat Samuel J. Tilden won a majority of the popular vote.
^Although Harrison won a majority of votes in the Electoral College, Democrat Grover Cleveland won a plurality of the popular vote.
Lewis, Andrew R. (August 28, 2019). "The Inclusion-Moderation Thesis: The U.S. Republican Party and the Christian Right". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.665. ISBN978-0-19-022863-7. Considering all the evidence, the most apt description is that conservative Christianity has transformed the Republican Party, and the Republican Party has transformed conservative Christianity ... With its inclusion in the Republican Party, the Christian right has moderated on some aspects ... At the same time, the Christian right has altered Republican politics.
Trollinger, William (October 8, 2019). "Fundamentalism turns 100, a landmark for the Christian Right". The Conversation. ISSN2201-5639. Archived from the original on May 7, 2022. Retrieved July 3, 2022. The emergent Christian Right attached itself to the Republican Party, which was more aligned with its members' central commitments than the Democrats ... By the time Falwell died, in 2007, the Christian Right had become the most important constituency in the Republican Party. It played a crucial role in electing Donald Trump in 2016.
Thomson-DeVeaux, Amelia (October 27, 2022). "How Much Power Do Christians Really Have?". FiveThirtyEight. Archived from the original on April 10, 2024. Retrieved June 16, 2024. In the 1980s and 1990s, as white Christian conservatives forged an alliance with the Republican Party, Christianity itself started to become a partisan symbol. Identifying as a Christian was no longer just about theology, community or family history — to many Americans, the label became uncomfortably tangled with the Christian Right's political agenda, which was itself becoming increasingly hard to separate from the GOP's political agenda.
^ Wilbur, Miller (2012). "Libertarianism". The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America. Vol. 3. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. pp. 1006–1007. ISBN978-1-4129-8876-6. While right-libertarianism has been equated with libertarianism in general in the United States, left-libertarianism has become a more predominant aspect of politics in western European democracies over the past three decades. ... Since the 1950s, libertarianism in the United States has been associated almost exclusively with right-libertarianism ... As such, right-libertarianism in the United States remains a fruitful discourse with which to articulate conservative claims, even as it lacks political efficacy as a separate ideology. However, even without its own movement, libertarian sensibility informs numerous social movements in the United States, including the U.S. patriot movement, the gun-rights movement, and the incipient Tea Party movement.
Keckler, Charles; Rozell, Mark J. (April 3, 2015). "The Libertarian Right and the Religious Right". Perspectives on Political Science. 44 (2): 92–99. doi:10.1080/10457097.2015.1011476. To better understand the structure of cooperation and competition between these groups, we construct an anatomy of the American center-right, which identifies them as incipient factions within the conservative movement and its political instrument, the Republican Party.
Carter, Neil; Keith, Daniel; Vasilopoulou, Sofia; Sindre, Gyda M. (March 8, 2023). The Routledge Handbook of Political Parties(PDF). p. 140. doi:10.4324/9780429263859. ISBN978-0-429-26385-9. By comparison, the U.S. Republican Party (Gould 2014) is something of an outlier. This is principally a product of the uniqueness of the U.S. party system. Indeed, major shifts in the party's ideological focus can only in part be explained by its longevity (founded in 1854). Unlike its Liberal/Conservative counterparts in the Anglosphere and Europe, the Republican party machine is considerably weaker than any of its counterparts and the frequency of elections has profoundly shaped the way political elites relate to their party and develop policy ideas. Historically, the electoral system has buttressed a true two-party system, which meant building broad coalitions. Today that instinct is countermanded by growing electoral boundary manipu- lation which sees the party aim to disenfranchise ideological opponents, while narrowcasting to its own ideological base. These features are either unique or extreme by comparison to other centre-right parties discussed here. Given this, it is not surprising that where comparisons between parties have occurred, they have focused on ideological dimensions, policy ideas and the exchange of campaign techniques (see Wineinger and Nugent 2020). A primary driver of comparisons between the USA and other Anglosphere centre-right parties appears to be cultural and language affinities, and if anything, this highlights the relative lack of comparison between centre-right parties in the Anglosphere (such as Australia, the UK, New Zealand, Canada and Ireland) which share greater institutional similarities.
McKay, David (2020), Crewe, Ivor; Sanders, David (eds.), "Facilitating Donald Trump: Populism, the Republican Party and Media Manipulation", Authoritarian Populism and Liberal Democracy, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 107–121, doi:10.1007/978-3-030-17997-7_7, ISBN978-3-030-17997-7, retrieved June 13, 2024, the Republicans changed from being a right of centre coalition of moderates and conservatives to an unambiguously right-wing party that was hostile not only to liberal views but also to any perspective that clashed with the core views of an ideologically cohesive conservative cadre of party faithfuls
Greenberg, David (January 27, 2021). "An Intellectual History of Trumpism". Politico Magazine. Archived from the original on April 11, 2024. Retrieved June 13, 2024. The larger ideology that the president-elect represents is a post-Iraq War, post-crash, post-Barack Obama update of what used to be called paleoconservatism: On race and immigration, where the alt-right affinities are most pronounced, its populist ideas are carrying an already right-wing party even further right.
Wineinger, Catherine; Nugent, Mary K. (January 2, 2020). "Framing Identity Politics: Right-Wing Women as Strategic Party Actors in the UK and US". Journal of Women, Politics & Policy. 41 (1): 5. doi:10.1080/1554477X.2020.1698214. ISSN1554-477X.
Jessoula, Matteo; Natili, Marcello; Pavolini, Emmanuele (August 8, 2022). "'Exclusionary welfarism': a new programmatic agenda for populist right-wing parties?". Contemporary Politics. 28 (4): 447–449. doi:10.1080/13569775.2021.2011644. ISSN1356-9775.
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^ Cohn, Nate (November 25, 2024). "How Democrats Lost Their Base and their Message". The New York Times. Retrieved November 25, 2024. Donald Trump's populist pitch bumped Democrats off their traditional place in American politics.
^ Desiderio, Andrew; Sherman, Jake; Bresnahan, John (February 7, 2024). "The end of the Old GOP". Punchbowl News. Archived from the original on February 7, 2024. Retrieved February 8, 2024.
^ "The Republican Party has lurched towards populism and illiberalism". The Economist. October 31, 2020. ISSN0013-0613. Archived from the original on June 2, 2024. Retrieved November 9, 2024. In the late 20th century the Republican Party already looked a bit less liberal and more populist than most mainstream European parties. But according to the V-Dem Institute's analysis, it only really started to deviate to "illiberalism" when it embraced religious values under Mr Bush after his election in 2000. The party then veered into populism in 2010 with the rise of the Tea Party movement, which vowed to curb what it saw as the unjustifiable expansion of the federal government under Barack Obama. However, the greatest shift, especially towards illiberalism, came with the election of Mr Trump.
^ "Polarisation by education is remaking American politics". The Economist. October 13, 2024. From 1952 to 2000, a majority of white voters with college degrees self-identified as Republicans. Starting with the 2012 election, this affiliation began to weaken. It loosened even more once [Donald] Trump became the Republican standard-bearer in 2016. By 2020, the college-educated called themselves Democrats by a 2:1 margin. And there were many more of them; their share of the electorate rose from 8% in 1952 to 40% in 2020. Had the party held on to the rest of its support, this would have ensured an enduring majority. Yet at the same time, Democrats lost support among whites without college degrees. They now favour Republicans by their own margin of 2:1.
^ Grossmann, Matt; Hopkins, David A. "Polarized by Degrees: How the Diploma Divide and the Culture War Transformed American Politics". Cambridge University Press. Retrieved May 23, 2024. Democrats have become the home of highly-educated citizens with progressive social views who prefer credentialed experts to make policy decisions, while Republicans have become the populist champions of white voters without college degrees who increasingly distrust teachers, scientists, journalists, universities, non-profit organizations, and even corporations.
^ Haberman, Maggie; Goldmacher, Shane; Swan, Jonathan (July 8, 2024). "Trump Presses G.O.P. for New Platform That Softens Stance on Abortion". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 18, 2024. Retrieved July 9, 2024. The platform is even more nationalistic, more protectionist and less socially conservative than the 2016 Republican platform that was duplicated in the 2020 election.
^William Gienapp, The Origins of the Republican Party, 1852–1856 (Oxford UP, 1987)
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^Walter Dean Burnham, "Periodization schemes and 'party systems': the 'system of 1896' as a case in point." Social Science History 10.3 (1986): 263–314.
^Quote on p. 261 Nash, George H.; Reinhard, David W. (1984). "The Republican Right from Taft to Reagan". Reviews in American History. 12 (2): 261–265. doi:10.2307/2702450. JSTOR2702450. Nash references David W. Reinhard, The Republican Right since 1945, (University Press of Kentucky, 1983).
^McCoy, Jennifer L.; Somer, Murat (November 29, 2021). "Political Parties, Elections, and Pernicious Polarization in the Rise of Illiberalism". In Sajó, András; Uitz, Renáta; Holmes, Stephen (eds.). Routledge Handbook of Illiberalism (1 ed.). New York: Routledge. pp. 486–499. doi:10.4324/9780367260569. ISBN9781000479454. Retrieved November 11, 2024. p. 497: However, during the 1980s the rise of powerful and entrepreneurial politicians such as Newt Gingrich within the Republican Party, who promised to strengthen the party, were instrumental in the radicalization of this party's strategies in the US. These strategies helped the party win control of the House in 1994 after being in the minority in 58 of the prior 62 years (Mettler and Lieberman 2020), but also contributed to the growing polarization of US politics.
^Lovett, Adam (November 7, 2022). "The ethics of asymmetric politics". Politics, Philosophy & Economics. 22 (1): 3–30. doi:10.1177/1470594X221133445. ISSN1470-594X. Archived from the original on November 11, 2024. Retrieved November 11, 2024. In the 1990s, the Republican Party went off the deep end. At a first and very rough approximation, we can pin the blame on Newt Gingrich. Gingrich had been elected to the House of Representatives in 1978. The problem with the Republican Party at the time, he said, was 'that we don't encourage you to be nasty'.
^Fishkin, Joseph; Pozen, David E. (April 2018). "Asymmetric Constitutional Hardball". Columbia Law Review. 118 (3): 915–982. ISSN0010-1958. JSTOR26397699. Retrieved November 10, 2024. The Republican Party has moved significantly further to the right than the Democratic Party has moved to the left.
^Judis, John (December 20, 2004). "Movement Interruptus". The American Prospect. Archived from the original on February 22, 2021. Retrieved December 8, 2019.
^Kilgore, Ed (November 3, 2010). "How the Republicans Did It". The New Republic. Archived from the original on December 20, 2020. Retrieved October 13, 2019.
^Somin, Ilya (May 26, 2011). "The Tea Party Movement and Popular Constitutionalism". Northwestern University Law Review Colloquy. Rochester, NY. SSRN1853645.
^Encarnación, Omar G. (June 12, 2023). "Democratic Backsliding: Comparative Reflections on the American Experience". Political Science Quarterly. 138 (3): 407–424. doi:10.1093/psquar/qqad036. ISSN0032-3195. Archived from the original on November 12, 2024. Retrieved November 12, 2024. pp. 410–423: Despite the appearance of being consolidated, the American political system is institutionally vulnerable to backsliding—from an electoral system fraught with so many deficiencies that election experts deem it archaic and undemocratic; to an imperial presidency that sits at the center of federal power and towers over the legislature and the judiciary; to the recent transformation of the Republican Party into an illiberal force more interested in acquiring power than in governing. ... The Republican Party's pivotal role in enabling backsliding in the Trump era mirrors the post-Communist experience. In recent years, the Republican party has fashioned itself after the Fidesz Party in Hungary (Europe's most sobering example of backsliding), from embracing the ideology of Christian Nationalism to using the state to fight culture wars to cynically rejecting the idea of democracy. In connection to the last point, a popular argument among Republican election deniers is that the United States is not a democracy but a republic. As noted by the New York Times, "There is more at stake than the health of the Republican Party when its core activists, as well as a growing number of officials and those campaigning for governmental positions, openly espouse hostility not just to democratic principles, but, increasingly, to the word 'democracy' itself." Indeed, this illiberal behavior puts American democracy in peril.
^Main, Thomas J. (January 4, 2022). The Rise of Illiberalism. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. p. 188. ISBN9780815738503. A sharp repudiation at the polls would have checked the vogue for illiberal and identitarian ideologies and driven the Republican party back within the bounds of the liberal democratic political spectrum.
^Laruelle, Marlene (March 1, 2022). "Illiberalism: a conceptual introduction". East European Politics. 38 (2): 303–327. doi:10.1080/21599165.2022.2037079. ISSN2159-9165. pp. 315–316: Classical conservatives—such as the Christian Democrats in Europe or the Republican Party in the US before Donald Trump—are/were fervent supporters of political rights and constitutionalism, while illiberalism challenges them ... The struggle of the European People's Party to win concessions from Orbán's Fidesz or the Polish PiS, as well as the subjugation of the Republican Party by Donald Trump, have revealed how attractive illiberal leaders may be to the more mainstream right. As Marc Plattner has stated, the future of liberal democracy will largely depend on how successful or unsuccessful the classical conservative right is at resisting illiberalism.
^Cooley, Alexander; Nexon, Daniel H. (January–February 2022). "The Real Crisis of Global Order: Illiberalism on the Rise". Foreign Affairs. Vol. 101, no. 1. New York City, New York: Council on Foreign Relations. ISSN0015-7120. Retrieved November 12, 2024. The election of Donald Trump in 2016 sparked a major debate over the nature and fate of the liberal international order, suddenly caught, it seemed, between the Charybdis of illiberal great-power challengers and the Scylla of a hostile U.S. president. Trump may have lost the presidency in 2020, but the liberal order remains under threat. ... In the United States, one of the two major political parties remains beholden to an authoritarian demagogue. Motivated by the "Big Lie" (the objectively false claim that Democrats stole the election from Trump through systematic voter fraud), the Republican Party is purging officials who stood in the way of efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election. Republican voter-suppression efforts are accelerating.
^Dunwoody, Phillip T.; Gershtenson, Joseph; Plane, Dennis L.; Upchurch-Poole, Territa (August 9, 2022). "The fascist authoritarian model of illiberal democracy". Frontiers in Political Science. 4. doi:10.3389/fpos.2022.907681. ISSN2673-3145. p. 12: All the components of the fascist authoritarian model of illiberal democracy were evidenced in the recent 2020 U.S. presidential election. … In classic authoritarian fashion, Trump sought to remain in power by asserting his preferred fiction over more objective realities promoted by those in traditional, truth-based professions. Trump engaged in threat othering to work up his base so that they would support the use of force to "save" their country. The result of these combined mechanisms was the support of blatantly illiberal antidemocratic behavior at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.
^Norris, Pippa (2017). "Online Exchange on "Democratic Deconsolidation"(PDF). Journal of Democracy. 12. Retrieved November 9, 2024. pp. 14–15–18: The rise of populist authoritarianism in the United States, especially by the risks that President Trump poses to core democratic values, practices and institutions, pose major threats to liberal democracy. ... When the populist style of governance is coupled with authoritarian values, however, this potent combination presents most dangerous risk to the principles and practices at the heart of liberal democracy. Trump falls into this category. ... populist-authoritarian forces threatening to dismantle core values in liberal democracy pose the gravest risk, especially in America, given the vast powers of the U.S. presidency and its hegemonic role in the world. The mainstream news media, the courts, and a reenergized civil society are actively pushing back to resist the threats to democracy arising from the Trump administration. In Congress and State Houses, however, the Democrats are decimated, and the Republican party and conservative activists seem willing to be seduced by dreams of power.
^Drum, Kevin (November 13, 2004). "Red State, Blue State". Washington Monthly. Archived from the original on November 7, 2017. Retrieved October 30, 2017.
^Adams, Ian (2001). Political Ideology Today (reprinted, revised ed.). Manchester: Manchester University Press. pp. 32–33. ISBN978-0719060205. Archived from the original on January 20, 2023. Retrieved February 2, 2023. Ideologically, all US parties are liberal and always have been. Essentially they espouse classical liberalism, that is a form of democratised Whig constitutionalism plus the free market. The point of difference comes with the influence of social liberalism" and the proper role of government... ...the American right has nothing to do with maintaining the traditional social order, as in Europe. What it believes in is... individualism... The American right has tended towards... classical liberalism...
^McKay, David (2020), Crewe, Ivor; Sanders, David (eds.), "Facilitating Donald Trump: Populism, the Republican Party and Media Manipulation", Authoritarian Populism and Liberal Democracy, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 107–121, doi:10.1007/978-3-030-17997-7_7, ISBN978-3-030-17997-7, retrieved June 13, 2024, the Republicans changed from being a right of centre coalition of moderates and conservatives to an unambiguously right-wing party that was hostile not only to liberal views but also to any perspective that clashed with the core views of an ideologically cohesive conservative cadre of party faithfuls
^"Mike Pence Tears into Donald Trump at 2024 Campaign Launch". BBC News. June 7, 2023. Retrieved June 13, 2023. [Pence] added that Mr. Trump's actions on 6 January should disqualify him from returning to power. 'I believe that anyone who puts themselves over the constitution should never be president of the United States,' he said. 'And anyone who asked someone else to put them over the constitution should never be president of the United States again.'
^"Pence says he won't endorse Trump in 2024 race". The Hill. June 7, 2023. Retrieved March 15, 2024. 'In each of these cases Donald Trump is pursuing and articulating an agenda that is at odds with the conservative agenda that we governed on during our four years,' Pence said. 'And that's why I cannot in good conscience endorse Donald Trump in this campaign.'
^Aratani, Lauren (February 26, 2021). "Republicans unveil two minimum wage bills in response to Democrats' push". The Guardian. Archived from the original on August 14, 2021. Retrieved February 8, 2024. In keeping with the party's deep division between its dominant Trumpist faction and its more traditionalist party elites, the twin responses seem aimed at appealing on one hand to its corporate-friendly allies and on the other hand to its populist rightwing base. Both have an anti-immigrant element.
^Coates, David (2012). The Oxford Companion to American Politics. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. p. 393. ISBN978-0-19-976431-0.
^ Doherty, Carroll (January 19, 2023). "How Republicans view their party and key issues facing the country as the 118th Congress begins". Pew Research Center. Archived from the original on January 21, 2023. Retrieved January 21, 2023. There are fissures in the GOP coalition. The same typology study found fissures in the GOP coalition, including over economic fairness, tax policy, and in views of abortion and same-sex marriage.
^"About". Republican Study Committee. December 19, 2013. Archived from the original on January 11, 2024. Retrieved February 14, 2024.
^Aratani, Lauren (February 26, 2021). "Republicans unveil two minimum wage bills in response to Democrats' push". The Guardian. Archived from the original on August 14, 2021. Retrieved September 7, 2021. In keeping with the party's deep division between its dominant Trumpist faction and its more traditionalist party elites, the twin responses seem aimed at appealing on one hand to its corporate-friendly allies and on the other hand to its populist rightwing base. Both have an anti-immigrant element.
^Wren, Adam; Montellaro, Zach; Kashinsky, Lisa; Shepard, Steven; Allison, Natalie; Piper, Jessica (February 25, 2024). "Hidden in Trump's big South Carolina win: A not-so-small problem for him in November". Politico. Archived from the original on February 25, 2024. Retrieved February 25, 2024. From top to bottom, the Republican Party is Trump's party. There are no reliable pockets of dissent.
^ The Christian Science Monitor (November 5, 2020). "Why Trumpism is here to stay". The Christian Science Monitor. Archived from the original on June 12, 2024. Retrieved June 12, 2024.
^Lowndes, Joseph (2019). "Populism and race in the United States from George Wallace to Donald Trump". In de la Torre, Carlos (ed.). Routledge Handbook of Global Populism. London & New York: Routledge. "Trumpism" section, pp. 197–200. ISBN978-1315226446. Trump unabashedly employed the language of white supremacy and misogyny, rage and even violence at Trump rallies was like nothing seen in decades.
^ Maxwell, Rahsaan (March 5, 2019). "Analysis | Why are urban and rural areas so politically divided?". The Washington Post. ISSN0190-8286. Archived from the original on October 30, 2020. Retrieved May 6, 2024. In general, the core supporters of right-wing populist political parties across Europe are in more rural areas, where they feel left behind by the globalized economy and alienated from the multiculturalism of European capitals.
^ Enten, Harry (November 29, 2016). "Even Among The Wealthy, Education Predicts Trump Support". FiveThirtyEight. First, it's clear from the exit polls that for white voters, every bit of extra education meant less support for Trump. ... Second, education matters a lot even when separating out income levels. ... Third, Trump saw little difference in his support between income levels within each education group.
^ Baker, Paula; Critchlow, Donald T. (2020). The Oxford Handbook of American Political History. Oxford University Press. p. 387. ISBN978-0190628697. Archived from the original on December 15, 2023. Retrieved April 23, 2021 – via Google Books. Contemporary debate is fueled on one side by immigration restrictionists, led by President Donald Trump and other elected republicans, whose rhetorical and policy assaults on undocumented Latin American immigrants, Muslim refugees, and family-based immigration energized their conservative base.
^Jones, Kent (2021). "Populism, Trade, and Trump's Path to Victory". Populism and Trade: The Challenge to the Global Trading System. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0190086350.
^Smith, Jordan Michael; Logis, Rich; Logis, Rich; Shephard, Alex; Shephard, Alex; Kipnis, Laura; Kipnis, Laura; Haas, Lidija; Haas, Lidija (October 17, 2022). "The Neocons Are Losing. Why Aren't We Happy?". The New Republic. ISSN0028-6583. Archived from the original on May 5, 2023. Retrieved May 5, 2023.
^Beauchamp, Zack (September 4, 2024). "Trump's biggest fans aren't who you think". Vox. Retrieved December 9, 2024. But when you factored in local conditions — the fact that your dollar can buy more in Biloxi than Boston — the relationship reverses. "Locally rich" white people, those who had higher incomes than others in their zip codes, were much more likely to support Trump than those who were locally poor. These people might make less money than a wealthy person in a big city, but were doing relatively well when compared to their neighbors. Put those two results together, and you get a picture that aligns precisely with Hochschild's observations. Trump's strongest support comes from people who live in poorer parts of the country, like KY-5, but are still able to live a relatively comfortable life there.
^Ogorzalek, Thomas; Piston, Spencer; Puig, Luisa Godinez (October 2020). "Nationally poor, locally rich: Income and local context in the 2016 presidential election". Electoral Studies. 67. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2019.102068. Retrieved December 9, 2024. When social scientists examine relationships between income and voting decisions, their measures implicitly compare people to others in the national economic distribution. Yet an absolute income level (e.g., $57,617 per year, the 2016 national median) does not have the same meaning in Clay County, Georgia, where the 2016 median income was $22,100, as it does in Old Greenwich, Connecticut, where the median income was $224,000. ... The results show that Trump's support was concentrated among nationally poor whites but also among locally affluent whites, complicating claims about the role of income in that election. This pattern suggests that social scientists would do well to conceive of income in relative terms: relative to one's neighbors.
^ Lillis, Mike (February 28, 2024). "GOP strained by Trump-influenced shift from Reagan on Russia". The Hill. Archived from the original on February 28, 2024. Retrieved February 28, 2024. Experts say a variety of factors have led to the GOP's more lenient approach to Moscow, some of which preceded Trump's arrival on the political scene ... Trump's popularity has only encouraged other Republicans to adopt a soft-gloves approach to Russia.
^ Jonathan, Chait (February 23, 2024). "Russian Dolls Trump has finally remade Republicans into Putin's playthings". Intelligencer. Archived from the original on February 29, 2024. Retrieved February 28, 2024. But during his time in office and after, Trump managed to create, from the grassroots up, a Republican constituency for Russia-friendly policy ... Conservatives vying to be the Trumpiest of them all have realized that supporting Russia translates in the Republican mind as a proxy for supporting Trump. Hence the politicians most willing to defend his offenses against democratic norms — Marjorie Taylor Greene, Jim Jordan, Tommy Tuberville, Mike Lee, J. D. Vance — hold the most anti-Ukraine or pro-Russia views. Conversely, the least-Trumpy Republicans, such as Mitch McConnell and Mitt Romney, have the most hawkish views on Russia. The rapid growth of Trump's once-unique pro-Russia stance is a gravitational function of his personality cult.
^Shephard, Alex (August 1, 2023). "The End of "Trumpism Without Trump"". The New Republic. Retrieved September 4, 2024. The former president's primary rivals thought that they could pass themselves off as a better version of the real thing. They thought wrong.
^ Williams, Daniel K. (May 9, 2022). "This Really Is a Different Pro-Life Movement". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on May 10, 2022. Retrieved February 2, 2023. This was not merely a geographic shift, trading one region for another, but a more fundamental transformation of the anti-abortion movement's political ideology. In 1973 many of the most vocal opponents of abortion were northern Democrats who believed in an expanded social-welfare state and who wanted to reduce abortion rates through prenatal insurance and federally funded day care. In 2022, most anti-abortion politicians are conservative Republicans who are skeptical of such measures. What happened was a seismic religious and political shift in opposition to abortion that has not occurred in any other Western country.
^"A Christian Nation? Understanding the Threat of Christian Nationalism to American Democracy and Culture". Public Religion Research Institute. February 8, 2023. Archived from the original on June 15, 2024. Retrieved June 16, 2024. Partisanship is closely linked to Christian nationalist views. Most Republicans qualify as either Christian nationalism sympathizers (33%) or adherents (21%), while at least three-quarters of both independents (46% skeptics and 29% rejecters) and Democrats (36% skeptics and 47% rejecters) lean toward rejecting Christian nationalism. Republicans (21%) are about four times as likely as Democrats (5%) or independents (6%) to be adherents of Christian nationalism.
^Baker, Joseph O.; Perry, Samuel L.; Whitehead, Andrew L. (August 6, 2020). "Crusading for Moral Authority: Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Science". Sociological Forum. 35 (3): 587–607. doi:10.1111/socf.12619. hdl:1805/26816. Christian nationalism has become a powerful predictor of supporting conservative policies and political candidates. This is in large part due to the Republican Party platform becoming synonymous with "restoring" the sacred values, moral superiority, unity, pride, and prosperity of America's mythic past.
^Whitehead, Andrew L.; Perry, Samuel L.; Baker, Joseph O. (January 25, 2018). "Make America Christian Again: Christian Nationalism and Voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election". Sociology of Religion. 79 (2): 147–171. doi:10.1093/socrel/srx070. The current study establishes that, independent of these influences, voting for Trump was, at least for many Americans, a symbolic defense of the United States' perceived Christian heritage. Data from a national probability sample of Americans surveyed soon after the 2016 election shows that greater adherence to Christian nationalist ideology was a robust predictor of voting for Trump...
^Lauter, David (February 17, 2024). "Will Republicans become a Christian nationalist party? Can they win if they do?". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, California. ISSN0458-3035. Archived from the original on April 5, 2024. Retrieved June 16, 2024. The strength of Christian nationalist sentiment can be clearly seen in a wide range of issues that Republican elected officials have stressed, including efforts to curtail the rights and visibility of transgender people, but also some less obvious topics, such as immigration.
^Whitehead, Andrew L.; Perry, Samuel L. (February 17, 2024). "Is Christian nationalism growing or declining? Both". The Washington Post. ISSN0190-8286. Archived from the original on June 16, 2024. Retrieved June 16, 2024. According to political scientists Stella Rouse and Shibley Telhami, most Republicans support declaring the United States a Christian nation. And Christian nationalists are running for office at all levels of government, from local school boards to presumptive presidential candidates. Though the numbers of those who claim Christian nationalist beliefs may decline, Christian nationalism's influence in public life only continues to grow.
^Perry, Samuel (August 5, 2022). "After Trump, Christian nationalist ideas are going mainstream – despite a history of violence". The Conversation. ISSN2201-5639. Archived from the original on June 1, 2024. Retrieved June 16, 2024. The presence of Christian nationalist ideas in recent political campaigns is concerning, given its ties to violence and white supremacy. Trump and his advisers helped to mainstream such rhetoric with events like his photo op with a Bible in Lafayette Square in Washington following the violent dispersal of protesters, and making a show of pastors laying hands on him. But that legacy continues beyond his administration.
^Cummings, Mike (March 15, 2022). "Yale sociologist Phil Gorski on the threat of white Christian nationalism". Yale News. Archived from the original on June 12, 2024. Retrieved June 16, 2024. White Christian nationalism is a dangerous threat because it's incredibly well-organized and powerful. There's absolutely nothing like it on the left.
^Rouse, Stella; Telhami, Shibley (September 21, 2022). "Most Republicans Support Declaring the United States a Christian Nation". Politico. Archived from the original on September 27, 2022. Retrieved February 22, 2024. Christian nationalism, a belief that the United States was founded as a white, Christian nation and that there is no separation between church and state, is gaining steam on the right. Prominent Republican politicians have made the themes critical to their message to voters in the run up to the 2022 midterm elections.
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^Davenport, Coral; Lipton, Eric (June 3, 2017). "How G.O.P. Leaders Came to View Climate Change as Fake Science". The New York Times. ISSN0362-4331. Retrieved September 22, 2017. The Republican Party's fast journey from debating how to combat human-caused climate change to arguing that it does not exist is a story of big political money, Democratic hubris in the Obama years and a partisan chasm that grew over nine years like a crack in the Antarctic shelf, favoring extreme positions and uncompromising rhetoric over cooperation and conciliation.
^Dunlap, Riley E.; McCright, Araon M. (August 7, 2010). "A Widening Gap: Republican and Democratic Views on Climate Change". Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development. 50 (5): 26–35. doi:10.3200/ENVT.50.5.26-35. S2CID154964336.
^Båtstrand, Sondre (2015). "More than Markets: A Comparative Study of Nine Conservative Parties on Climate Change". Politics and Policy. 43 (4): 538–561. doi:10.1111/polp.12122. ISSN1747-1346. S2CID143331308. The U.S. Republican Party is an anomaly in denying anthropogenic climate change.
^ Chait, Jonathan (September 27, 2015). "Why Are Republicans the Only Climate-Science-Denying Party in the World?". New York. Retrieved September 20, 2017. Of all the major conservative parties in the democratic world, the Republican Party stands alone in its denial of the legitimacy of climate science. Indeed, the Republican Party stands alone in its conviction that no national or international response to climate change is needed. To the extent that the party is divided on the issue, the gap separates candidates who openly dismiss climate science as a hoax, and those who, shying away from the political risks of blatant ignorance, instead couch their stance in the alleged impossibility of international action.
^Matthews, Chris (May 12, 2014). "Hardball With Chris Matthews for May 12, 2014". Hardball With Chris Matthews. MSNBC. NBC news. According to a survey by the Center for American Progress' Action Fund, more than 55 percent of congressional Republicans are climate change deniers. And it gets worse from there. They found that 77 percent of Republicans on the House Science Committee say they don't believe it in either. And that number balloons to an astounding 90 percent for all the party's leadership in Congress.
^"Earth Talk: Still in denial about climate change". The Charleston Gazette. Charleston, West Virginia. December 22, 2014. p. 10. ... a recent survey by the non-profit Center for American Progress found that some 58 percent of Republicans in the U.S. Congress still "refuse to accept climate change. Meanwhile, still others acknowledge the existence of global warming but cling to the scientifically debunked notion that the cause is natural forces, not greenhouse gas pollution by humans.
^Davenport, Coral; Lipton, Eric (June 3, 2017). "How G.O.P. Leaders Came to View Climate Change as Fake Science". The New York Times. ISSN0362-4331. Archived from the original on September 14, 2017. Retrieved September 22, 2017. The Republican Party's fast journey from debating how to combat human-caused climate change to arguing that it does not exist is a story of big political money, Democratic hubris in the Obama years and a partisan chasm that grew over nine years like a crack in the Antarctic shelf, favoring extreme positions and uncompromising rhetoric over cooperation and conciliation.
^"Trump admin approves new sale of anti-tank weapons to Ukraine". ABC News. Retrieved October 1, 2019. The Trump administration first approved the sale of Javelins to Ukraine in December 2017 – a step that former President Barack Obama never took and that Trump allies have pointed to as a sign of Trump's toughness on Russia.
^See "July 3, 2014 – Iraq – Getting In Was Wrong; Getting Out Was Right, U.S. Voters Tell Quinnipiac University National Poll" Quinnipiac University PollArchived April 2, 2016, at the Wayback Machine item #51
^Gould, Eric D.; Klor, Esteban F. (2019). "Party hacks and true believers: The effect of party affiliation on political preferences". Journal of Comparative Economics. 47 (3): 504–524. doi:10.1016/j.jce.2019.03.004. S2CID241140587.
^Leonhardt, David (April 6, 2023). "The Power and Limits of Abortion Politics". The New York Times. ISSN0362-4331. Archived from the original on April 6, 2023. Retrieved April 7, 2023. After the Supreme Court overturned Roe last June and allowed states to ban abortion, more than a dozen quickly imposed tight restrictions. Today, abortion is largely illegal in most of red America, even though polls suggest many voters in these states support at least some access.
^Siegel, Reva B. "Dead or Alive: Originalism as Popular Constitutionalism in Heller." The Second Amendment on Trial: Critical Essays on District of Columbia v. Heller, edited by Saul Cornell and Nathan Kozuskanich, University of Massachusetts Press, 2013, p. 104.
^Astor, Maggie (September 22, 2022). "For First Time in at Least 25 Years, No Democrat Has Top Grade From N.R.A."The New York Times. Archived from the original on September 22, 2022. Retrieved September 11, 2023. The Democratic break from the National Rifle Association is complete: For the first time in at least 25 years, not a single Democrat running for Congress anywhere in the country received an A in the group's candidate ratings, which were once a powerful influence in U.S. elections.
^Jones, Robert P.; Cox, Daniel; Navarro-Rivera, Juhem (February 26, 2014). "A Shifting Landscape"(PDF). Public Religion Research Institute. Archived from the original(PDF) on April 17, 2016. Retrieved December 27, 2016.
^Cohn, Nate (August 10, 2023). "It's Not Reagan's Party Anymore". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 2, 2023. Retrieved August 23, 2023. It's not Mr. Reagan's party anymore. Today, a majority of Republicans oppose many of the positions that defined the party as recently as a decade ago, according to a New York Times/Siena College poll released last week. Only around one-third of Republican voters... [oppose]... same-sex marriage...
^ Suss, Joel; Xiao, Eva; Burn-Murdoch, John; Murray, Clara; Vincent, Jonathan (November 9, 2024). "Poorer voters flocked to Trump — and other data points from the election". Financial Times. Retrieved November 12, 2024. In contrast to 2020, the majority of lower-income households or those earning less than $50,000 a year voted for Trump this election. Conversely, those making more than $100,000 voted for Harris, according to exit polls.
^Levitz, Eric (October 19, 2022). "How the Diploma Divide Is Remaking American Politics". New York. Archived from the original on October 20, 2022. Retrieved October 21, 2022. Blue America is an increasingly wealthy and well-educated place. Throughout the second half of the 20th century, Americans without college degrees were more likely than university graduates to vote Democratic. But that gap began narrowing in the late 1960s before finally flipping in 2004... A more educated Democratic coalition is, naturally, a more affluent one... In every presidential election from 1948 to 2012, white voters in the top 5 percent of America's income distribution were more Republican than those in the bottom 95 percent. Now, the opposite is true: Among America's white majority, the rich voted to the left of the middle class and the poor in 2016 and 2020, while the poor voted to the right of the middle class and the rich.
^"Unmarried Women in the 2004 Presidential Election"Archived January 1, 2016, at the Wayback Machine (PDF). Report by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, January 2005. p. 3: "The marriage gap is one of the most important cleavages in electoral politics. Unmarried women voted for Kerry by a 25-point margin (62 to 37 percent), while married women voted for President Bush by an 11-point margin (55 percent to 44 percent). Indeed, the 25-point margin Kerry posted among unmarried women represented one of the high water marks for the Senator among all demographic groups."
^"Exit Polls". CNN. November 7, 2006. Archived from the original on June 29, 2007. Retrieved November 18, 2006.
^Teixeira, Ruy (November 6, 2022). "Democrats' Long Goodbye to the Working Class". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on January 7, 2023. Retrieved November 8, 2022. As we move into the endgame of the 2022 election, the Democrats face a familiar problem. America's historical party of the working class keeps losing working-class support. And not just among White voters. Not only has the emerging Democratic majority I once predicted failed to materialize, but many of the non-White voters who were supposed to deliver it are instead voting for Republicans... From 2012 to 2020, the Democrats not only saw their support among White working-class voters — those without college degrees — crater, they also saw their advantage among non-White working-class voters fall by 18 points. And between 2016 and 2020 alone, the Democratic advantage among Hispanic voters declined by 16 points, overwhelmingly driven by the defection of working-class voters. In contrast, Democrats' advantage among White college-educated voters improved by 16 points from 2012 to 2020, an edge that delivered Joe Biden the White House.
^Cohn, Nate (July 13, 2022). "Poll Shows Tight Race for Control of Congress as Class Divide Widens". The New York Times. ISSN0362-4331. Archived from the original on July 20, 2022. Retrieved August 27, 2022. But the cofluence of economic problems and resurgent cultural issues has helped turn the emerging class divide in the Democratic coalition into a chasm, as Republicans appear to be making new inroads among non-White and working class voters... For the first time in a Times/Siena national survey, Democrats had a larger share of support among White college graduates than among non-White voters – a striking indication of the shifting balance of political energy...
^Kraushaar, Josh (July 14, 2022). "The Great American Realignment". Axios. Archived from the original on July 20, 2022. Retrieved August 2, 2022. Shifts in the demographics of the two parties' supporters — taking place before our eyes — are arguably the biggest political story of our time. Republicans are becoming more working class and a little more multiracial. Democrats are becoming more elite and a little more White...
^Kraushaar, Josh (July 13, 2022). "The Democratic electorate's seismic shift". Axios. Archived from the original on July 20, 2022. Retrieved August 2, 2022. Democrats are becoming the party of upscale voters concerned more about issues like gun control and abortion rights. Republicans are quietly building a multiracial coalition of working-class voters, with inflation as an accelerant... In the Times/Siena poll, Ds hold a 20-point advantage over Rs among White college-educated voters — but are statistically tied among Hispanics.
^To some extent the United States Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade (1973) caused American Christians to blur their historical division along the line between Catholics and Protestants and instead to realign as conservatives or liberals, irrespective of the Reformation Era distinction.
The Almanac of American Politics 2022 (2022) details on members of Congress, and the governors: their records and election results; also state and district politics; revised every two years since 1975. detailsArchived January 7, 2022, at the Wayback Machine; see The Almanac of American Politics
American National Biography (20 volumes, 1999) covers all politicians no longer alive; online at many academic libraries and at Wikipedia LibraryArchived October 30, 2020, at the Wayback Machine.
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Aistrup, Joseph A. The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South (1996).
Black, Earl and Merle Black. The Rise of Southern Republicans (2002).
Bowen, Michael, The Roots of Modern Conservatism: Dewey, Taft, and the Battle for the Soul of the Republican Party. (U of North Carolina Press, 2011). xii, 254pp.
Brennan, Mary C. Turning Right in the Sixties: The Conservative Capture of the GOP (1995).
Conger, Kimberly H. The Christian Right in Republican State Politics (2010) 202 pages; focuses on Arizona, Indiana, and Missouri.
Crane, Michael. The Political Junkie Handbook: The Definitive Reference Books on Politics (2004) covers all the major issues explaining the parties' positions.
Critchlow, Donald T. The Conservative Ascendancy: How the Republican Right Rose to Power in Modern America (2nd ed. 2011).
Ehrman, John, The Eighties: America in the Age of Reagan (2005).
Fauntroy, Michael K. Republicans and the Black vote (2007).
Fried, J (2008). Democrats and Republicans – Rhetoric and Reality. New York: Algora Publishing.
Frank, Thomas. What's the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart of America (2005).
Frum, David.What's Right: The New Conservative Majority and the Remaking of America (1996).
Gould, Lewis L. The Republicans : A History of the Grand Old Party (2nd ed, 2014); First edition 2003 was entitled: Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicansonline 2nd edition' th standard scholarly history
Hemmer, Nicole. Partisans: The Conservative Revolutionaries Who Remade American Politics in the 1990s (2022)
Judis, John B. and Ruy Teixeira. The Emerging Democratic Majority (2004), two Democrats project social trends.
Kabaservice, Geoffrey. Rule and Ruin: The Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party, From Eisenhower to the Tea Party (2012) scholarly history ISBN978-0199768400.
Kleppner, Paul, et al. The Evolution of American Electoral Systems (1983), applies party systems model.
Kurian, George Thomas ed. The Encyclopedia of the Republican Party (4 vol., 2002).
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Mason, Robert. The Republican Party and American Politics from Hoover to Reagan (2011).
Mason, Robert and Morgan, Iwan (eds.) Seeking a New Majority: The Republican Party and American Politics, 1960–1980. (2013) Nashville, TN. Vanderbilt University Press. 2013.
Mayer, George H. The Republican Party, 1854–1966. 2d ed. (1967); a standard scholarly history; online
Reinhard, David W. The Republican Right since 1945 (1983).
Rutland, Robert Allen. The Republicans: From Lincoln to Bush (1996).
Sabato, Larry J.Divided States of America: The Slash and Burn Politics of the 2004 Presidential Election (2005).
Sabato, Larry J. and Bruce Larson. The Party's Just Begun: Shaping Political Parties for America's Future (2001), textbook.
Schlesinger, Arthur Meier Jr. ed. History of American Presidential Elections, 1789–2000 (various multivolume editions, latest is 2001). Essays on the most important election are reprinted in Schlesinger, The Coming to Power: Critical presidential elections in American history (1972). online editions
Shafer, Byron E. and Anthony J. Badger, eds. Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000 (2001), essays by specialists on each time period:
includes: "To One or Another of These Parties Every Man Belongs": 1820–1865 by Joel H. Silbey; "Change and Continuity in the Party Period: 1835–1885" by Michael F. Holt; "The Transformation of American Politics: 1865–1910" by Peter H. Argersinger; "Democracy, Republicanism, and Efficiency: 1885–1930" by Richard Jensen; "The Limits of Federal Power and Social Policy: 1910–1955" by Anthony J. Badger; "The Rise of Rights and Rights Consciousness: 1930–1980" by James T. Patterson; and "Economic Growth, Issue Evolution, and Divided Government: 1955–2000" by Byron E. Shafer.
Shafer, Byron and Richard Johnston. The End of Southern Exceptionalism (2006), uses statistical election data and polls to argue GOP growth was primarily a response to economic change.
Steely, Mel. The Gentleman from Georgia: The Biography of Newt Gingrich Mercer University Press, 2000. ISBN0865546711.
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Wooldridge, Adrian and John Micklethwait. The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (2004).
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